1992 election in 'The Celtic Fringe' by Grant Toway

 http://www.amazon.co.uk/Celtic-Fringe-Westminster-Elections-1970-2010/dp/0956272576
SCOTLAND
The gains and losses included Labour retrieving Glasgow Govan, which they had conceded to the SNP in a by-election and the Conservative Party re-capturing Kincardine & Deeside from the Liberal Democrats, after a by-election success for the latter proved to be very short-lived.
Technically, the Liberal Democrats were a brand new party, but their results still merit comparison with the efforts of the Liberal-SDP Alliance of 1987. This was a particularly poor performance from Britain’s third party, but in their defence, they had undergone the transformation from Liberals to an Alliance with the SDP, and recently the SDP and the Liberals had agreed to permanently coalesce as the re-invented Liberal Democrats. The lack lustre showing of this reconstructed party is illustrated by the fact that it came last of the four main contenders in fifty-seven out of seventy-two Scottish constituencies.
The SNP by contrast enjoyed a strong revival, even if this comeback did not translate into extra seats won. It finished as runners-up in no fewer than 36 constituencies with a vote share of 21.5%, which amounted to progress.
One of the quirks of this election occurred in the Monklands area where the two victorious Labour MPs each ended up with an almost identical vote share. One of those elected parliamentarians, John Smith, would soon be winning another election, as he was chosen to succeed Neil Kinnock as the leader of the Labour Party. Regrettably for Labour, Mr Smith did not live long enough to contest the next general election.
Meanwhile on planet Conservative, the party emulated its triumph of 1970 by winning the national election when the opinion polls were suggesting otherwise. The party more than held its own in Scotland.
WALES
With all the upheaval of the last decade, the reconstructed Liberal Democrats had a bad election, although they could argue that as they were setting out with a brand new moniker, then they were starting from a low base. Either way, they finished a lamentable third in 23 of the 38 seats, while Plaid Cymru ended up fourth in 27 of the 38 constituencies, although they had successfully maximised their votes in a handful of target seats.
The party of Welsh nationalism had at least witnessed their vote share recover from 7.3% in 1987 to a more encouraging nine per cent in 1992.
As the national election was expected to be a close-run contest, this may have galvanised voters in Wales to cast their vote, in a desperate attempt to get the Conservatives out of government or to keep Labour out of power. This may explain the large turnout in the constituencies of the principality.
The Ceredigion & Pembroke North result was something of a collector’s item, as neither of the perennial top dogs of Conservative and Labour were able to finish in the top two positions.
It has been a measure of Labour’s perpetual domination of Welsh politics that in this publication there has been at least one Labour candidate elected as the MP on each and every page of the election contests in Wales.